Religion and Politics in Brazil: Faith, Power, and Polarization
In Brazil, religious authority has long ceased to be exercised solely from the pulpit. Although the Constitution establishes a secular state, leaders from different spiritual traditions increasingly use spaces of faith such as churches, worship services, social media, and their own media outlets to support political candidates, shape public debate, and project political positions.
In this process, moral discourse merges with partisan agendas. As a result, it is mobilized in defense of what are presented as “traditional” values, often summarized in slogans such as “God and family.” However, the presence of religion in the public sphere does not provoke the same level of resistance in every case.
While religious discourses aligned with conservative agendas are often normalized, tolerated, or even celebrated by political and media sectors, other religious expressions are treated differently. In particular, those that challenge state policies, denounce inequality, or confront power are quickly labeled as violations of the principle of secularism.
The Case of Júlio Lancelotti and Religious Activism
This dynamic is evident in the case of Júlio Lancelotti, a 77-year-old Catholic priest who has carried out extensive social work with people in vulnerable situations, especially those living on the streets of São Paulo. He has led the Pastoral do Povo de Rua (Pastoral for the Homeless) since 1993.
However, his public visibility increased significantly during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite belonging to a high-risk group, he distributed face masks daily, provided breakfast to around 500 people, and handed out blankets during cold nights. In addition to direct assistance, he mediated conflicts, helped people register for emergency aid, and conducted virtual broadcasts that reached thousands of followers.
Since the 1990s, his work has been the target of criticism. On the one hand, some detractors describe his efforts as mere charity or assistentialism. On the other hand, he has been criticized for openly defending progressive causes, including the rights of Palestinians, transgender people, and other vulnerable groups.
Restrictions and the Catholic Church in São Paulo
In early December 2025, the Archdiocese of São Paulo imposed restrictions on Lancelotti. These included suspending the live broadcast of his masses and limiting his use of social media. The measure followed accusations that were later deemed unfounded by judicial investigations.
The Cardinal and Archbishop of São Paulo, Dom Odilo Scherer, stated that the decision aimed to “protect” the priest from controversy and prevent a possible distancing from his parish, according to Lancelotti himself (Folha de S. Paulo, 2025). In official statements, the Archdiocese described the restrictions as a “temporary period of reflection” and avoided detailing specific reasons.
It also indicated that the matters involved belonged to the internal sphere of the Church. For that reason, it declined to comment on possible external pressures, such as criticism from conservative politicians or the Free Brazil Movement (MBL). Lancelotti, for his part, said he fully complied with the decision and denied rumors of an imminent transfer from his parish in the Mooca neighborhood (Folha de S. Paulo, 2025).
Double Standards in the Public Use of Faith
At the same time, Catholic figures with strong digital followings and conservative positions remain active on social media without facing restrictions. One example is Friar Gilson, who has publicly acknowledged ties to Bolsonarism.
According to analysts and religious observers, this contrast suggests a double standard within the Catholic Church itself.
In parallel, evangelical pastors holding parliamentary office often receive institutional support on issues such as tax exemptions and religious freedom. This asymmetry points to selective protection for religious expressions that are ideologically aligned with political power.
Liberation Theology and Political Power
The evangelical bloc also promotes conservative agendas, including opposition to abortion and to what it calls “gender ideology.” On these issues, it often finds occasional support from Catholic allies.
By contrast, there is no comparable defense in Lancelotti’s case. His positions are associated with Liberation Theology, a Latin American theological current historically linked to the denunciation of structural inequality and to a preferential option for the poor (Boff, 2007).
Religious Conservatism and Selective Politicization
The theologian, pastor, historian, and political scientist Zé Barbosa Junior, in an interview with the Suru Institute, explains that religious discourses aligned with conservative agendas are commonly perceived as “natural.” Critical expressions of faith, by contrast, are quickly accused of politicization (Barbosa Junior, personal communication, January 2026).
“Religious conservatism in Brazil operates as a naturalized ideology of the status quo,” Barbosa argues. “It blends with dominant morality, market logic, and elite interests. For that reason, it presents itself as ‘pure faith,’ when in fact it is deeply political.”
According to Barbosa, backlash against figures like Lancelotti emerges when charity is no longer tolerated as a purely assistential gesture and becomes an implicit critique of the structures that produce exclusion (Barbosa Junior, personal communication, January 2026). “When care for the poorest exposes the failure of public policy and challenges how society organizes inequality, it ceases to be neutral and becomes uncomfortable for those in power,” he says.
Social Media, Polarization, and Elections in Brazil
Growing polarization reinforces this dynamic. It is also accelerated by the fact that social media has broken the historical monopoly of institutional mediation over religious discourse. Today, priests and pastors working with marginalized communities communicate directly with society, bypassing ecclesiastical filters. This shift displaces the axis of symbolic power (Barbosa Junior, personal communication, January 2026).
At the institutional level, progressive Catholics face attacks from conservative evangelical sectors close to the political right. Meanwhile, more traditional Catholicism has gained visibility within alliances such as the Evangelical Parliamentary Front in Brazil’s National Congress. This bloc includes approximately 219 of the 513 members of the lower house and 26 of the 81 senators.
At the same time, the Roman Catholic Apostolic Parliamentary Front, officially established in 2023, includes around 194 federal deputies. Recently, both structures moved toward closer coordination through the creation of the Christian Caucus, approved on an expedited basis in October 2025. Its goal is to consolidate influence and secure voting power within congressional leadership bodies, thereby expanding the reach of Christian legislators in debates over moral agendas and legislative priorities (Miranda, 2025).
Religion, Power, and Democracy in Brazil
In this context of growing religious activism in Brazil, and as the country approaches the 2026 elections, the case of Lancelotti reveals more than internal tensions within the Church. It also illustrates how the boundary between religion and politics in Brazil is being redefined in uneven ways.
Zé Barbosa Junior summarizes this dynamic by quoting Dom Hélder Câmara:
“When I feed the poor, they call me a saint.
When I ask why they are poor, they call me a communist.”
Faith is tolerated as long as it does not challenge the social order. Once it does, it comes to be perceived as a threat.
Further Reading
To broaden perspectives on the relationship between religion, political power, and social polarization in Latin America, as well as on the discursive and institutional frameworks that shape these debates, readers may also consult:
- Language as a Tool for Social Transformation — an analysis of how language and symbolic frameworks shape values, legitimacy, and power relations in the public sphere.
- Digital Sovereignty in Latin America — a reflection on the role of digital platforms as arenas of political and social contestation, and their impact on the circulation of religious and moral discourse.
- Social Cohesion: Identifying Social Problems Across Latin America — a comparative examination of the factors that affect social cohesion in the region, including political tensions, structural inequalities, and processes of polarization.
References
Barbosa Junior, Z. (2026, January). Suru Institute Interview [Personal communication].
Boff, L. (2007). La teología de la liberación: perspectivas. Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, 49(200), 87–104. https://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-25032007000300002
Folha de S. Paulo. (2025, December). Arzobispo de São Paulo prohíbe a sacerdote popular transmitir misas y le ordena salir de las redes sociales. https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/internacional/es/brasil/2025/12/arzobispo-de-sao-paulo-prohibe-a-sacerdote-pop-transmitir-misas-y-le-ordena-salir-de-las-redes-sociales.shtml
Miranda, T. (2025, October). Deputados aprovam urgência para projeto que cria a Bancada Cristã da Câmara. Agência Câmara de Notícias. https://www.camara.leg.br/noticias/1214915-deputados-aprovam-urgencia-para-projeto-que-cria-a-bancada-crista-da-camara