Democracy in Latin America is entering one of its most serious crises in decades. Across the Americas, citizens are losing faith in democratic institutions and questioning whether democratic systems can effectively address economic insecurity and rising crime. In Latin America, years of economic volatility, weak institutions, and persistent violence have steadily eroded public support for democratic governance. At the same time, political polarization and institutional mistrust in the United States have weakened confidence in its role as a democratic example. Together, these trends point to a broader crisis of legitimacy in the hemisphere, raising concerns that economic downturns or security crises could open the door to authoritarian alternatives.
Economic Instability and the Erosion of Democracy in Latin America
During economic crises, experts are quick to develop models that predict economic outcomes, such as how long the crisis will last, the direction of the stock market, or the impact on job growth and prices. Historically, experts in the first world seldom expect more than a slight rebalancing of political party dominance, subject to a switch right back the next time economic indicators go awry. However, research has long shown that economic changes can be far more devastating, especially in the developing world, where there are fewer social safety nets, and the already struggling poor find themselves in desperate situations.
Latin America offers a clear example of this vulnerability. In recent years, many economies in the region have not only experienced slower growth compared to other developing economies but have also been affected by external shocks, leading to particularly severe economic booms and busts. While wealthier countries often have greater fiscal and monetary capacity to respond to economic crises, developing economies are far more vulnerable to inflation and financial instability when downturns occur (Córdova & Seligson, 2009). As such, citizens in Latin America might find themselves open to extreme measures when the economy begins to slip.
Public Opinion and Democratic Confidence in Latin America
Results from the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) indicate that democracy in Latin America is on the brink and confidence in institutions is declining (Vanderbilt University, 2023). Their most recent survey, which included over 40,000 respondents, indicates that only 59% of survey takers considered democracy to be the best form of government, compared to 68% of survey takers in 2004.
In the same survey, fewer than half of respondents expressed having some level of trust in their government. The highest scoring country was El Salvador with 86%, while Honduras fared the worst with only 31% reporting some trust in the government (Rosario Surillo, 2023). These results varied by age, education, and socioeconomic status, with older participants tending to have more trust and more highly educated people having less trust. As education relates to wealth, higher-income participants also reported lower levels of trust in government.
Electoral participation also varied across countries. El Salvador once again took the lead with 74% of survey takers indicating that they would go out and vote if the elections were held within a week (Podishetti, 2024). Jamaica performed the worst, with only 35%, and Colombia was the poorest-performing of the Spanish-speaking countries, as only 38% claimed they would vote in this hypothetical election.
Following trends of this bi-annual report, disenchantment with democracy really began to increase around 2016. During this period, support for democratic systems declined across all age groups. Among age cohorts, younger adults have consistently shown the least support for democracy and are more likely to endorse a coup if it means regulating high levels of crime (United Nations Development Programme, 2024). Younger people are statistically more likely to be the victims of crime, which may explain some of this age disparity.
Economic Crisis and Democratic Legitimacy
Economic insecurity and weak institutional performance often reinforce one another in ways that erode democratic legitimacy. When governments struggle to control inflation, reduce crime, or generate economic opportunity, citizens may begin to view democratic procedures as obstacles rather than safeguards (Remmer, 1991). In such contexts, promises of order, stability, or rapid economic reform can become politically attractive, even when they come from leaders willing to bypass democratic norms. Latin America’s history demonstrates how periods of economic crisis have frequently coincided with rising support for strong executive authority or military intervention, particularly when democratic institutions are perceived as ineffective.
Economic instability further shapes citizens’ willingness to consider alternatives when they believe elected leaders are failing to deliver. Broadly speaking, the Latin American economy has experienced relatively slow growth compared to other regions and remains highly vulnerable to external shocks. Following the COVID-19 pandemic, the region also exhibited some of the highest levels of economic volatility, with fluctuations in growth rates significantly exceeding those of advanced economies (United Nations Development Programme, 2024). The pandemic’s sharp shifts in demand and supply chain disruptions fueled inflationary pressures across the region, while capital outflows and investor flight to the dollar drove significant currency depreciation. Major economies such as Chile, Brazil, and Colombia experienced double-digit inflation during the post-pandemic surge (Medina & Wlasiuk, 2024), while Argentina surpassed 100% inflation in 2022, and Venezuela continued experiencing triple-digit hyperinflation (Catacora, 2023).
The U.S. Role in Supporting Democracy in Latin America
While Latin Americans increasingly express disillusionment with democracy itself, a related challenge confronts the United States–declining credibility as a democratic model. A recent survey by the Pew Research Center shows that many around the world no longer see the U.S. as a democratic role model (Fetterolf, 2024). Even among U.S. citizens, 72% said their country is no longer a good example of democracy for others to follow, and another 8% said it never was.
As new political leaders emerge, the region’s openness to alternative forms of government risks reviving its history of authoritarian rule. Preventing such backsliding requires economic and social stability, which is difficult for one country to achieve on its own. Collaboration across the hemisphere is essential. For the United States, supporting democratic resilience in Latin America is not about imposing models, but about strengthening partnerships that benefit all sides. A stable, democratic region expands trade opportunities, reduces pressures that drive migration, and curbs the spread of organized crime—outcomes that serve citizens on both sides of the border.
Ultimately, if the United States hopes to serve as a model for democracy, it must first rebuild trust with its own citizens while working alongside its neighbors to promote shared prosperity and stability. Democracy in the Americas will endure only if it is strengthened collectively, through cooperation rather than control.
If economic instability and institutional distrust continue to deepen, the crisis of democracy in Latin America could reshape the region’s political trajectory for decades to come.
Image credit: Photo by Wilson Montoya on Unsplash.
Further Reading
For additional perspectives on democratic institutions, political accountability, and citizen participation in the Americas, readers may also be interested in:
- Compulsory Voting in Chile: Stability or the Status Quo? — An analysis of Chile’s return to compulsory voting and its implications for democratic participation. The article examines whether institutional reforms can strengthen democratic engagement or simply reinforce existing political dynamics, offering useful context for debates about voter participation across Latin America.
- Accountability of Former Presidents: Are We Entering a New Era? — A comparative look at recent cases where former presidents have faced prosecution or investigation after leaving office. The piece explores whether increased accountability represents a strengthening of democratic institutions or reflects deeper political tensions within presidential systems.
- Religion, Politics, and Secularism in Brazil: The Case of Júlio Lancelotti — A case study of the complex relationship between religion, civil society, and political authority in Brazil. By examining the public role of a prominent Catholic priest, the article highlights how social actors outside formal political institutions can shape debates about governance, rights, and democratic legitimacy.
References
Catacora, V. (2023, October 9). Hyperinflation in Argentina and Venezuela. Observatorio Económico Latinoamericano (OBELA), Instituto de Investigaciones Económicas, UNAM. https://www.obela.org/content/hyperinflation-argentina-and-venezuela
Córdova, A., & Seligson, M. A. (2009). Economic crisis and democracy in Latin America. PS: Political Science & Politics, 42(4), 673–678. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40646674
Fetterolf, J. (2024, July 10). 72% of Americans say the U.S. used to be a good example of democracy, but isn’t anymore. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/10/72-of-americans-say-the-us-used-to-be-a-good-example-of-democracy-but-isnt-anymore/
Medina, J. P., & Wlasiuk, J. M. (2024, October). Inflation dynamics in Latin America: Lessons from the COVID and other episodes (Hutchins Center Working Paper No. 99). Brookings Institution. https://www.brookings.edu/articles/inflation-dynamics-in-latin-america
Podishetti, K. (2024, November 22). What factors create differences in electoral participation among citizens in Latin America and the Caribbean? (Insights Series No. 165). LAPOP Lab, Vanderbilt University. https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/Insight165_Podishetti_FINAL_EN.pdf
Rosario Surillo, A. M. (2023, October 31). Who trusts the government in the Americas? LAPOP Lab, Vanderbilt University. https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/insights/IO962en.pdf
Remmer, K. L. (1991). The Political Impact of Economic Crisis in Latin America in the 1980s. American Political Science Review, 85(3), 777–800. https://doi.org/10.2307/1963850
United Nations Development Programme. (2024, December 10). Disenchanted youth, debilitated democracies. UNDP Latin America and the Caribbean Blog. https://www.undp.org/latin-america/blog/disenchanted-youth-debilitated-democracies
Vanderbilt University. (2023, November 29). Support for democracy in the Americas remains low, opening door for politicians with undemocratic plans, Vanderbilt survey finds. Vanderbilt University News. https://news.vanderbilt.edu/2023/11/29/support-for-democracy-in-the-americas-remains-low-opening-door-for-politicians-with-undemocratic-plans-vanderbilt-survey-finds/